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Volume
2 Issue 1
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December
2004
pp. 54-77
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African
American and White American Students’ Beliefs about Ethnic Groups’
Aspirations: A Paradoxical Dilemma of Academic versus Athletic Pursues
Joe
W. Burden Jr., M.S., Samuel R. Hodge, Ph.D., and Louis Harrison Jr.,
Ph.D.
Abstract:
Using descriptive qualitative procedures situated within the
theoretical framework of psychological critical race theory, this study
examined African American and White American students’1
beliefs about their own (in-group) and each other (out-group) ethnic
groups’ aspirations for athletic pursues. Data analysis revealed
similarities and differences between participants’ beliefs on in- and
out-groups aspirations. More specifically, three recurring themes were
identified: (a) social-cultural factors, (b) stereotypical beliefs about
athletic abilities, and (c) socioeconomic inequalities. Implications for
this research are discussed for teachers, coaches, and other school
professionals (e.g., school counselors).
Introduction
Schools, colleges/universities,
and sport venues are commonly accepted as places to receive and exchange
social knowledge (
Harrison
, Azzarito, & Burden, 2004). In these places, teachers and coaches
often unknowingly transmit values and beliefs shaped by racial
stereotypes that provide students with distorted perceptions about their
own and others’ athletic and academic abilities (Harrison et al.,
2004). For example, as a function of prevalent stereotypes (e.g., belief
that white-skinned people are intellectually superior, while people of
color are physically superior but intellectually inferior), White
American students are often steered away from certain sports and
encouraged to spend their energies on academic pursuits. In contrast,
African American students are often steered toward athletic
participation and given little, if any, encouragement for pursuing
academics (Harrison et al., 2004; Harrison, Lee, & Belcher, 1999;
Lee, 1983). Troubling racial stereotypes based on race-logic (Coakley,
2004) can function as societal and psychological barriers for academic
achievement. These types of stereotypes suggest that African Americans
are athletically superior but intellectually inferior to White
Americans, Today, however, researchers know little about the impact of
societal (e.g., America’s legacies of racial disparities) and
psychological (e.g., stereotyping) variables on young adults’ beliefs
about their own and other ethnic groups’ aspirations for athletic and
academic pursues.
Racial
Dilemmas: Impact on Athletics and Academics
The social construct of race
carries with it societal and psychological implications that can enhance
or impinge on individuals’ athletic and academic pursuit. For example,
many social scientists have suggested that differences in diverse ethnic
groups’ sport and physical activity participation patterns are
strongly correlated with socioeconomic status and disparities in health
care services (Williams, 1999), perceived racial bias and discrimination
within America’s social and institutional structures (Phillip, 1998,
1999), and diffusion created through socialized stigma of inferiority
often associated with ethnic minorities2 (i.e., people of
color) (Harrison, 1995; Harrison, Harrison, & Moore, 2002).
American society has a rich and
long history of racial injustices. Previously,
America
had a system of legalized segregation, whereby African Americans and
other people of color were subjected to educational, social, political,
and economical injustices (Jones, 1998; Massey & Denton, 1993).
Williams (1999) asserted that racism is “responsible for the
development of an organized system of policies and practices designed to
create racial inequality” (p. 185). In that context, Jones (1998)
identified two historic periods, the Old and New American
dilemmas. The Old American Dilemma (i.e., before the 1960’s
Civil Rights era) was “typified by moral uneasiness over the struggle
of right versus wrong” (p. 641). This was an “era of overt racial
segregation and egregious denial of basic civil and human rights” as
“failures of the heart were consciously reproduced in the
institutional arrangements of society” (p. 642). The New American
Dilemma (i.e., late 1960s to present day) is “characterized by
moral conflict between right versus right-race-neutral and
race-conscious social policies” (p. 641). This era is typified by “a
context in which rights have been ‘secured’ by legislation and
judicial decision” (p. 642). Yet, today there exists a moral ambiguity
where relentless racial inequalities, despite the promises of the civil
rights era, leave some doubtful of a real vow to racial equality (Jones,
1998).
The
Old
America
Dilemma of Race (Right v. Wrong: Moral
Turpitude)
During the Old American dilemma,
African Americans were marginalized and segregated from participating
fully in America’s educational and sport systems, due to White
Americans’ (a) desire not to interact with African Americans and (b)
belief that African Americans were inferior (Shropshire, 1996). Jackie
Robinson’s 1947 integration into major league baseball and the U.S.
Supreme Court’s 1954 decision in the case of Brown et al. versus Board
of Education of Topeka, Kansas case opened some doors in regard to
integration of amateur and professional sports (Coakley, 2004; Lumpkin,
2002). In turn, this made some sports (e.g., basketball, baseball, and
football) more accessible to African Americans. The Old American dilemma
ended during the 1960s with the Civil Rights Movement that inspired many
African Americans to reject notions of inferiority and to resist
oppression and seek social justice (Jones, 1998). For example, the Black
Power display by Tommy Smith and John Carlos at the 1968 Olympic
Games symbolized African Americans’ pride and resistance to oppression
(Coakley, 2004; Hoberman, 1997). This period also witnessed an increase
in many African Americans’ self-esteem, while more White Americans
developed greater receptivity to racial equality and social justice. To
paraphrase Jones (1998), racial segregation was officially deemed
unacceptable, and the use of race as a limiting variable to access and
opportunity was declared illegal. Barriers to social justice, thus, were
markedly reduced, and many felt equality was within reach. Yet, despite
important racial progress, racial equality is nonetheless exclusive.
Today, many believe the promise has not been realized, thus it is
important that we examine what is new about the American dilemma.
The
New American Dilemma of Race (Race-Neutral and Race-Conscious)
The New American Dilemma
is identified as the period of the post-civil rights era (Jones, 1998).
The New dilemma is not confronted with historic race neutral
(i.e., forms of legalized segregation) social policies but dilemmas in
which social policies impeded progress toward racial equality and social
justice. Similarly, Phillip (1999) stated that though “the segregated
pools, parks, and playgrounds of the 1950’s and 1960’s…have been
replaced by leisure areas without official racial restrictions, most
African Americans continue to understand when they are welcome and when
they are not welcome” (p. 388). The preservation of oppressive racial
discrimination in the
United States
has crucial psychological implications that have contributed to the
inequalities for persons of color (Jones, 1998). This includes
differential access to educational resources and opportunities, health
care, and sport pursues (Harrison, 2002; Pittman, 2003; Williams, 1999).
Thus, “despite a lack of formal barriers, Whites and Blacks3
consume different forms of culture at different rates. Such differences
exist in…, approaches to education, styles of dress, musical
genres…, and sports like basketball or swimming” (Goldsmith, 2003,
p. 147).
Even today, many African
Americans live in urban areas where gangs, violence, and drugs are
commonplace, and where children attend schools characterized with budget
deficits and inadequate equipment and facilities (Noguera, 2002). In
fact, it is estimated that nationally, urban school districts need more
than 50 billion dollars to refurbish their depleted school facilities
(Argon, 2001). These variables not only adversely affect youths’
educational achievements but also limit their access and opportunities
to participate in a variety of sport activities (Edwards, 1998). Such
conditions have led many African Americans toward more economically
accessible sports (e.g., basketball and football) and away from more
costly sports (e.g., golf and tennis) (Edwards, 1998, 2000; Etite &
Etite, 2002; Williams, 1999). Stated differently, the history of racial
and economic disparities in the
United States
often resulted in the exclusion of African Americans from some sports.
But, African Americans more often identify with more accessible sport
activities (e.g., basketball) (Harrison et al., 2002; Messener, 1989).
In fact, disproportionate to White Americans, more African Americans
aspire to professional careers in basketball, football, and baseball
(Harrison et al., 2004), arguably at the detriment of their academic
success (Steele, 1997; Steele & Aronson, 1995).
It is important that educators,
coaches, and other school professionals (e.g., school counselors)
understand how prevalent race-sport stereotypes can impact the
aspirations of young people toward or away from varied athletic pursues;
and how too often these stereotypes serve at the detriment of many
youths’ academic success (Harrison et al., 2004). To better understand
the influence of societal and psychological variables on individuals’
beliefs about athletics and academics, more research is warranted. The
purpose of the current study was to conduct a critical examination of African
American and White American students’ beliefs about their ethnic
groups’ aspirations for athletic pursues as well as their out-group
differences.
Theoretical
Framework
An extension to critical race
theory4 (CRT - see Ladson-Billings, 1998), psychological
critical race theory (PCRT) is a framework for examining the role of
social psychological processes with regard to persistent racial
disparities (Jones, 1998). PCRT posits that race is both socially
and psychologically constructed from accessible social information.
Race, as a social construct, takes on defining properties that amplify
group differences and contributes to perceptual and behavioral biases.
Such biases, in-turn, create divergent experiences for individuals
across varied racial groups and divergent experiences lead to varying
understandings of what social justice is, and as a result further
amplifies the differences in social perception across the varied racial
groups (Jones, 1998).
Jones identified five major
tenets of PCRT in the explanation of social psychological processes
which often perpetuate racial disparities as: (a) spontaneous and
persistent influences of race, (b) fairness is derived from divergent
racial experiences, (c) asymmetrical consequences of racial politics, (d)
paradoxes of racial diversity, and (e) salience of racial identity.
Although summarized in this article, the reader is encouraged to consult
Jones’ (1998) article, “Psychological Knowledge and the New American
Dilemma of Race,” for an excellent discussion of PCRT and the
accompanying tenets.
To paraphrase Jones (1998), the
first tenet, spontaneous and persistent influences of race, posits
that there are three factors pertinent to the psychological processing
of race, which is socially constructed and spontaneously
activated in cognition. First, our natural tendency is to
categorize things, including people, this sustains racial categories.
Second, knowledge of race-based stereotypes is pervasive and well
embedded in cognition. Third, knowledge of stereotypes can and often has
automatic influences on [beliefs] perceptions, judgments, and even
behaviors.
The second tenet, fairness
and divergent racial experiences, implies that the social
construction of race means that diverse groups inevitably view fairness
differently. Thus, the beliefs of fairness are not consistent across
racial lines and the psychological experience of fairness has not kept
pace with the measurable indices of progress in
USA
society (Jones, 1998). In accord with the third tenet, asymmetrical
consequences of racial policies, racial groups diverge, as a
consequence of their “calculations of costs and benefits of racial
policies” and “color-blind strategies violate this asymmetry
principle” (Jones, 1998, p. 653). For targets of racial
discrimination, CRT posits that acting as if race does not matter, when
in fact it does, places one susceptible to missed opportunities and
acceptance of a notion whose very enunciation puts one in a
‘one-down’ position (Jones, 1998). Thus, polices of race neutrality
have aversive consequences for targets of racial discrimination (e.g.,
African Americans).
The fourth tenet, paradoxes
of racial diversity, indicates that race is “both less and more
than it seems” (Jones, 1998, p. 653). Jones explained that out-group
“homogeneity supports the social significance of race, yet
psychological and behavioral facts attest to significant heterogeneity
within racial groups” (pp. 653-654). He also stated that as people try
to suppress racial influences in their judgments, it is possible that
they make race even more salient cognitively, resulting in a
“rebound” effect, which heightens racial salience on those occasions
where suppression becomes no longer compulsory. As race is a
social construct, it is possible to create racial groups whose members
have multiple commonalties; and in so doing, racial dimensions recede in
importance.
In the final tenet, the salience
of racial identity, Jones explained that historically some African
Americans’ identities were associated with lowered psychological well
being (e.g., low self-esteem). Not as common among African Americans
today, Jones (1998) argues that there are three consequences of
increased racial salience. First, being well intentioned is not
enough and often masks ongoing ambivalence that results in biased
behavior when social norms are in conflict or not clear. Being well
intentioned might create ambiguity and stimulate negative expectations
about how one’s behavior will be interpreted. Second, self-protective
racial identity exaggerates group differences due to an attempt to
preserve in-group preferences and out-group rejections.
Third, the Old American Dilemma depended upon Black-White
two-dimensional paradigms; whereas, the New American Dilemma
include a more general paradigm of wide-ranging sources of conflict
between and among groups (Jones, 1998).
Method
Participant and Sampling
Participants were African
American (n = 39) and White American (n = 32) undergraduate students at
a predominately White university in the southeastern region of the
United States
. Stratified, purposeful sampling was used as the sampling approach in
this study. In using this sampling, the researchers identified specific
attributes (e.g., ethnic status) that allowed for comparisons between
two ethnic groups (Patton, 1996). That is, African American and White
American students were sampled, for instance, from those enrolled in
motor learning courses. Participants’ mean age was 20.68 years (SD =
1.79) and ranged from 18 to 26 years
Research Paradigm and
Instrumentation
Face-to-face interviews were
used to collect descriptive and qualitative data (Patton, 1996). All
interviews involved individual, face-to-face verbal interchange with the
participants. This approach allowed the researchers to describe African
American and White American students’ beliefs about their ethnic
groups’ aspirations to participate in different sport activities as
well as about each other.
A semistructured, open-ended
interview guide was used to conduct face-to-face interviews (Patton,
1996). On average, interviews lasted 30 to 45 minutes. Participants were
asked questions such as: “What sport activities do you believe most
African Americans aspire to participate in and why?” and “What sport
activities do you believe most White Americans aspire to participate in
and why?”
Data Analysis
After interviewing each
participant, the lead researcher transcribed the content. Next, the data
were codified and content analyzed for emerging themes. This involved
searching for and interpreting emerging themes as data from the two
groups were compared and contrasted. Plus, the researchers [re]interpreted
the emergence of in-group themes (e.g., African American students’
beliefs about African Americans’ aspirations) and out-group themes
(e.g., African American students’ beliefs about White Americans
aspirations and vice versa). From this process, thematic
narratives were developed (Manning & Cullum-Swan, 1994) and agreed
upon by the researchers. Direct quotes of students were used to
illustrate the themes (Patton, 1996). Pseudonyms were used to identify
all participants.
Findings
Findings (number of responses
and percentages) from this study are presented as descriptive data
(Tables 1 and 2) and recurring themes. Figure 1 depicts the recurring
themes that emerged from the interviews. These themes were: (a)
social-cultural factors, (b) stereotypical beliefs about athletic
abilities, and (c) socioeconomic inequalities. Combined, 48% of the
participants across both ethnic groups discussed social-cultural factors
(e.g., group identity, media imposed role models) as affecting their
beliefs about in- and out-groups’ aspirations to participate in
various sport activities. Further, 33% of the participants expressed
stereotypical beliefs about athletic abilities (e.g., African Americans
naturally better athletes) of in- and out groups’ aspirations to
participate in a variety of sport activities. Additionally, 19% of the
participants discussed socioeconomic inequalities (e.g., issues of
access to facilities and resources) as influencing their beliefs about
in- and out-groups’ aspirations to participate in different sport
activities.
Figure 1. Recurring
Themes and Combined Percentages of African American and White American
Students' Beliefs Associated with Sport Activities Aspirations
In the following text,
descriptive data (Tables 1 and 2) and thematic findings are presented
first specific to the African American and then White American in
groups’ beliefs. Next, descriptive data and thematic findings are
presented specific to the African American and than White American
out-groups’ beliefs.
African Americans’
Beliefs about In-Groups’ (African Americans) Aspirations
The percentages of African
Americans that believed their own ethnic group aspire to engage in the
following sport activities were: (a) 47% basketball, (b) 33% touch/flag
football, (c) 7% tennis, (d) 5% weight training, and (e) 3% jogging or
running (Table 1). No African American student believed her/his own
ethnic group had aspirations to participate in aerobics/dance, swimming,
softball/baseball, cycling, and soccer.
Table
1
African
American Students’ Beliefs about In-Groups' (African American) and
Out-Groups' (White American) Aspirations to Engage in Varied Sport
Activities
Social-Cultural Factors. Forty-seven percent (47%) of the African
American students believed social-cultural variables (e.g., cultural
norms, group identity, and media) influenced their ethnic groups’
aspirations to participate in varied sport activities. Keith echoed a
similar perspective: “In football and basketball, it is socially
acceptable in African American culture to participate in these
activities.” These sports often present African American role models
and cultural identifications. For example, Nancy talked about basketball
and football and stated that, “All you see participating in these
sports are mostly Blacks.” Kala asserted that, “There are a lot of
African American professionals who play and excel in these sports.”
Similarly, Steve said that, “We [African Americans] play basketball
and football mostly because we can identify more with these specific
activities, and there is more representation in these sports, just look
at the NFL or NBA.”
Stereotypic
Beliefs about Athletic Abilities. Thirty-five (35%) percent of the
African American students believed their own ethnic group had
aspirations to engage in sports that required perceived superior natural
ability such as basketball, football, and track. Takisha expressed this
belief and stated, “We run fast, and jump high. These sports require
more athletic ability and they [African Americans] seem to have it most
of the time.” Speaking about the overrepresentation of African
Americans in football and basketball, Corey stated that, “… these
are more physical sports that require man to man competition.” Fred
believed that African Americans aspire to participate in “basketball
and track because the physical make-up of Blacks is fit for these
sports.” Similarly, Omari stated that African Americans aspire to
participate in “basketball and football because African Americans are
usually bigger and stronger than any other race and know how to use
their abilities.”
Socioeconomic
Inequalities. Eighteen percent (18%) of the African American
students believed their own ethnic groups’ aspirations to engage in
basketball and football was associated with socioeconomic variables
(e.g., more feasible due to minimal costs). Speaking of playing
basketball and football, Sammy stated that, “…it is inexpensive. You
don’t have to be a part of an organization or club. You don’t have
to pay dues, and it doesn’t take a lot of equipment. All you need is a
ball and time… basketball courts are easily accessible.” Nancy
echoed this perspective and stated: “Basketball and football, because
[they are] more economically sound, and it doesn’t cost a lot to play
these sports.” On the other hand, many of the African American
students believed such sport activities as golf and tennis are
economically prohibitive. Victor stated that, “Golf takes money, and
you have to invest more than just time.”
White
Americans’ Beliefs about In-Groups’ (White Americans) Aspirations
The percentages of White
American students who believed their ethnic group had aspirations to
participate in a range of sport activities were: (a) 48% golf, (b) 30%
tennis, (c) 11% swimming, (d) 9% soccer, (e) 6% jogging/running, (f) 2%
cycling, and (g) 2% basketball (Table 2).
Table
2
White
American Students’ Beliefs about In-Groups' (White Americans) and
Out-Groups' (African Americans) Aspirations to Engage in Varied Sports
Activities
These students believed that
sport activities such as golf, tennis, and swimming were aspiring
activities for their in-group because of their higher economic status
and access to facilities and resources. And, they viewed their own
efficacy as enabling them to participate successfully in such sport
activities. However, no White American student identified in-group
aspirations to participate in aerobic dance, softball/baseball,
touch/flag football, or weight training.
Social-Cultural Factors. Sixty-one percent (61%) of
the White American students’ believed their ethnic groups’
aspirations to engage in golf, tennis, and swimming were a function of
social and cultural (racial) traditions and influences. This perspective
was elaborated by Linda who stated that, “Throughout our history,
tennis and golf have mainly been associated with White Americans.”
Similarly, Tom asserted that, “Tennis
and golf are two sports which are associated with clubs and other
leisure places that White people go to.” Zack also noted that, “Golf
and swimming seem to be majority White sports and the majority of the
upper class who spends their time playing golf are White and swimming is
an activity that more Whites learn early in age.” On the other hand,
no White American student believed their own ethnic group had
aspirations to engage in touch/flag football, weight training, or
aerobic dance. Even though no White American student expressed beliefs
that their in-group had aspirations to participate in touch/flag
football, they believed that football was an aspiring sport activity for
African Americans.
Stereotypic Beliefs about Athletic Abilities.
Twenty percent (20%) of the White American students believed their own
ethnic groups’ aspirations to engage in sports such as golf and tennis
was a function of their “superior natural ability” to excel in those
activities. Jerry believed that one reason for White Americans’ common
participation in baseball and golf was that, “In baseball, you don’t
need to be fast or tall or strong to play it, and golf because you just
recently started to have minorities play it.” Dennis expressed,
similarly, that he felt that Whites participate in golf and baseball
because “they’re believed as having the patience to play sports
without consistent movement.” Some of these students were aware of
stereotypical beliefs regarding athletic ability. For example, Eddie
stated, “I guess Whites [aspire to] running and jogging, but I think
that a stereotype is put on both Black and White people to which sports
they participate in. The truth is both races can participate in anything
they want regardless of color.” Amy also believed her ethnic group
would aspire to engage in tennis and golf more because “these are
stereotypically accepted sports in most White American populations.”
Socioeconomic Inequalities. Nineteen (19%) percent
of the White American students believed socioeconomic factors influenced
their beliefs about their in-groups’ aspirations to participate in
tennis, golf, and swimming. As Paul stated, “We [White Americans] feel
it is a privilege to participate in these sports and it is something
that takes money to do.” Chuck stated also that, “golf is a country
club sport and socio-economically more White Americans live in country
clubs.” Karen asserted: “In high income neighborhoods, you see more
White Americans playing golf and tennis because it’s easily accessible
due to them as influencing because of country clubs.” In brief,
nineteen (19%) of the White American students believed socioeconomic
advantages and in-groups’ inclusiveness of them, influenced their
aspirations to participate in golf and tennis much more so than for
out-group peers.
African Americans’
Beliefs about Out-Groups’ (White Americans) Aspirations
The percentage of African
Americans who believed White Americans (out-group) aspired to
participate in a range of sport activities were: (a) 32% golf; (b) 15%
softball or baseball; (c) 14% tennis; (d) 12% soccer; (e) 11% swimming;
(f) 4% cycling, jogging or running; (g) 4%touch or flag football; (h) 3%
basketball; and (i) 1% weight training (Table 1). No African American
student believed that White Americans’ had aspirations to participate
in aerobic dance.
Social-Cultural Factors. Forty-two (42%) percent of
the African American students believed White Americans, aspirations to
engage in sport activities such as golf, tennis, and swimming were a
function of cultural [same race] role models and family upbringings. For
example, Tim commented: “More Whites are seen playing those sports on
television.” Greg stated that for White Americans “baseball and golf
are more of the handed down sports that are enjoyed socially.” These
students believed that White Americans’ positioning in society and
cultural traditions influence their aspirations to participate in
socially and economically exclusive sport activities. To which, Susan
asserted that, “golf and soccer are more appealing to Whites” and
Larry stated, “Whites [aspire to] participate in golf and tennis
probably because of their cultural history.”
Stereotypical Beliefs about Athletic Abilities.
Thirty-three (33%) percent of the African American students believed
that White Americans (their out-group) engage in golf, tennis, and
swimming because of their perceived superior natural ability to excel in
those particular activities. These students’ beliefs varied from less
aggressive than African Americans [stereotypic belief that African
Americans are naturally aggressive] to White Americans’ natural
abilities to excel in golf, tennis, and swimming. For example, Lance
explained that White Americans participate in “Soccer and baseball,
because it is easier for them to play, which requires less training.”
Oscar believed that White Americans’ aspire to participate in
“soccer and golf, because of less contact in these sports.” Jordan
claimed that White Americans had aspirations for “swimming and golf,
due to its appeal and its less physical than some other sports.”
Socioeconomic
Inequalities. Twenty-five (25%)
percent of the African American students believed White Americans’
aspirations to participate in varied sport activities to stem from their
having greater economical resources and social accessibility. Chris
stated that White Americans engage in “swimming and golf, because
economic and social background of most fit the standards of who play
golf more than Blacks because they learn how to swim early on and have
more available resources…” Similarly, John stated: “golf and
tennis, because they [White Americans] could afford to attend country
clubs and play golf.”
White Americans’ Beliefs
about In-Groups’ (African Americans) Aspirations
The percentages of White
American students who believed African Africans aspire to participate in
a range of sport activities were: a) 50% basketball; b) 35% touch/flag
football; c) 11% jogging/running; d) 2% softball/baseball; and e) 2%
tennis (Table 2). None of these students believed African Americans
aspire to participate in swimming, soccer, aerobic dance, weight
training, or cycling.
Social-Cultural Factors. Forty-three (43%) percent
of the White American students believed that African Americans’
aspirations to participate in basketball and football were a function of
socio-cultural factors. Some of their beliefs stemmed from images in the
media. For instance, Erica stated: “When I watch sports on TV, these
two sports [basketball and football] have a considerable larger amount
of African Americans playing than in other sports.” Jerry added, “In
these sports [basketball and football], they have more prominent African
American figures to model after.”
Stereotypical
Beliefs about Athletic Abilities. Forty-three (43%) percent of
the White American students believed African Americans aspire to
participate in varied sports (e.g., basketball and football) because of
their “natural athletic ability” to excel in such sport activities.
Similar to the African American students’ beliefs, these White
American students expressed stereotypical beliefs about natural athletic
ability in sports, such as basketball and football. For example,
Terrance stated: “Basketball and football include more aspirations
among African Americans because they tend to show more agility in these
sports.” Along those lines, Jack stated: “Basketball and football,
because of their [African Americans] general body types.” Troy’s
comment reflects this belief as he “think[s] in basketball they
[African Americans] have a complete advantage over everyone else and
they are just more athletic.” Karen stated, “Most people tend to
think that African Americans are faster and can jump higher.”
Socioeconomic
Inequalities. Fourteen (14%) percent of the White American
students believed African Americans’ aspire to participate in
different sport activities because of socioeconomic inequalities (e.g.,
fewer economic resources at their disposal and less social
accessibility). These students believed African Americans aspire to
participate in sport activities that are less costly and where
facilitates exist in predominantly African American neighborhoods and
schools. Speaking of African Americans’ aspirations to participate in
basketball and football, Jimmy stated that “because in most schools
and cities they have the best programs [overall team ability] in these
sports.” Susan believed “…basketball is easily accessible in low
income neighborhoods,” and she also believes that most African
Americans live in such neighborhoods.
In summary, nearly half of the
African American and White American students we interviewed discussed
social-cultural factors (e.g., group identity, media imposed role
models) as influencing their beliefs about in- and out-groups’
aspirations to participate in a mix of sport activities. A third of the
students combined expressed stereotypical beliefs about athletic
abilities of in- and out-groups’ aspirations to participate in varied
sport activities. For example, students from both ethnic groups believed
African Americans aspired to participate in basketball and football and
that African Americans were naturally better athletes. On the other
hand, both ethnic groups believed White Americans aspired to participate
in golf and swimming and that White Americans had greater access to and
naturally excelled in these sport activities. Furthermore, several
students from both ethnic groups discussed socioeconomic inequalities
(e.g., issues of access to facilities and resources) as affecting their
beliefs about in- and out-groups’ aspirations to participate in more
versus less accessible and affordable sport activities.
Discussion
The researchers critically
examined African American and White American students’ beliefs about
their ethnic groups’ aspirations to participate in varied sport
activities as well as their out-group differences. We found similarities
and differences between participants’ beliefs about in- and
out-groups’ aspirations to participate in a range of sport activities
across recurring themes that included (a) social-cultural factors, (b)
stereotypical beliefs about athletic abilities, and (c) socioeconomic
inequalities. The findings are discussed within the theoretical
framework of PCRT (Jones, 1998) and implications are provided for
teachers, coaches, and other school professionals (e.g., counselors) at
the high school and collegiate levels in terms of promoting athletic and
academic pursues.
A Discussion on
Social-Cultural Factors
An important finding in this
study was that socio-cultural variables (e.g., absence or presence of
sport role models in an assortment of sport activities as portrayed by
the media) influenced both ethnic groups’ beliefs as to their own and
each others’ ethnic groups’ aspirations to engage in various sport
activities as pertinent to under- or over-representation in organized
sports and in televised images of collegiate and professional sports
role models. That is, students from both ethnic groups believed that in-
and out-groups’ aspirations to engage in varied sport activities were
influenced by socio-cultural variables such as their own and each others
ethnic groups’ under- or over-representation in different popular
organized sports and the televised imaging of collegiate and
professional sport role models.
This finding suggests that
social and cultural variables impact group-affiliated beliefs among and
between in- and out-groups relative to their aspirations to participate
in varied sport activities. This is consistent with previous research
findings in this area (Harrison et al., 2004; Harrison et al., 1999).
According to Harrison et al. (1999), African American adolescents’
sport and physical activity preferences differ from those of White
American peers. In brief, African American youth identify significantly
more with participation in basketball, football, and track than their
White peers (Harrison et al., 1999). More recently, Harrison et al.
(2004) reported that White American students indicated that they are
steered away from participating in such sports as basketball and
football by coaches and parents. This was the case in this study as
well. Arguably, basketball is a means of collective identity for African
Americans and provides them a sense of freedom in their communities (Appiah,
2000; Boyd, 1997; Odge & Hilt, 2003; Phillips, 1998; 1999).
Research findings suggested that
basketball is the highest peer-approved and aspired sport for African
Americans (Phillips, 1998). Scholars have argued that African Americans
consume basketball, and use it as a part of their cultural collective
identity and social and cultural variables influence the consumption of
the sport (Ogden & Hilt, 2003). Ogden and Hilt identified several
variables that influence African Americans’ consumption of basketball,
which included: (a) societal [stereotypic] expectations of African
Americans to pursue basketball, (b) prevalence of African American role
models in basketball at the collegiate and professional levels, and (c)
beliefs of some African Americans that basketball is a viable means for
social mobility. Harris (1994) and Phillips (1999) suggested that more
African American parents support their children’s participation in
basketball than White American parents. For African Americans, the
influence of in-group role models is evident as nearly 80% of
professional basketball players in the National Basketball Association
are African Americans (Lapchick & Matthews, 2001).
PCRT posits that self-protective
racial identity exaggerates group differences (Jones, 1998). In our
study, participants expressed similar beliefs about theirs and each
other’s ethnic groups’ aspirations to participate in assorted sport
activities. Disproportionately, both ethnic groups believed that African
Americans aspire to participate in basketball, football, and track.
And, both groups believed that White Americans aspire to
participate in golf, tennis, and swimming. Clearly, both African
American and White American students were influenced by social and
cultural (e.g., absence or presence of same race sport role models as
portrayed by the media, cultural norms, ethnic group-affiliated
stereotypes) and psychological (e.g., self-protective racial identities)
variables, which can exaggerate group differences such as to aspirations
to participate in different sports.
A Discussion on
Socioeconomic Inequalities
The second finding focuses on
socio-economic variables that hindered beliefs that both ethnic groups
held about African Americans’ aspirations to participate in different
sports. This finding reiterates the need for programs, interventions and
policies, which serve to increase affordability and accessibility to
facilities and resources within and beyond African American communities
and schools. In general, the African American students believed that
activities, such as basketball and football, were accessible; whereas
golf, swimming, and tennis were much less accessible in their
communities and schools. In contrast, some African American students
believed that activities such as golf, swimming, and tennis, were
located in White American communities, where country club memberships
were required, which often excludes many African Americans from
participation due to economical and social inequalities.
Similarly, the White American
students interviewed believed that activities such as golf and tennis
were accessible to them within their residential areas. Also, some of
these students felt that African Americans could not afford to
participate in some activities where cost was at issue (e.g., golf and
tennis), and they believed that most African Americans did not have
access to such activities in their communities and schools. In accord
with PCRT, both ethnic groups in our study echoed sentiments of racial
inequalities (Jones, 1998) in terms of economic factors, which affected
their beliefs about in- and out-groups’ aspirations for participation
in a range of sport activities. This finding lends support to previous
research, where Eitle and Eitle (2000) found that socioeconomic
variables were strong predictors of participation patterns of African
American and White American youth. They reported that African Americans
were 1.6 times more likely to engage in interscholastic football and 2.5
times more likely to engage in interscholastic basketball than their
White American peers. In contrast, White Americans were found to be 1.3
times more likely to engage in interscholastic baseball, soccer, and
swimming than their African Americans peers. These variations in ethnic
group participation patterns were considered a function of economic
variables, whereupon African Americans were disadvantaged (Eitle &
Eitle, 2000).
Stated differently, economic
status is related to opportunities within social and institutional
structures (e.g., members-only country clubs) of leisure and sport
activities (Kelly, 1996). Research findings suggest that differences
between African Americans and White Americans sports participation
patterns are impacted by structural inequalities in school and community
resources (Goldsmith, 2003). For instance, Goldsmith (2003) reported
that White Americans more often have advantages in swimming, baseball,
and soccer participation due to higher socioeconomic status and access
to sport facilities in their communities.
Racial diffusion in American
culture (PCRT- see Jones, 1998) has led to exclusions of many African
Americans from economically prohibitive sport activities (e.g., tennis,
golf). Further, we found that some students from both ethnic groups
possessed stereotypic beliefs that (a) African Americans are
athletically superior and (b) most African Americans aspire to
participate in basketball and football as a means to economic and social
mobility in United States. This is not surprising given the media’s
portrayals of African Americans in basketball and football as an
accessible avenue to socioeconomic mobility (Eitle & Eitle, 2002;
Hoberman, 1997).
A Discussion on
Stereotypic Beliefs about Athletic Abilities
A third important finding in the
current study suggest a cyclical affect occurs that is reflected in
African American and White American students’ self-stereotypical and
stereotypical beliefs about in- and out-groups’ aspirations to
participate in varied sport activities. On the one hand, the
overrepresentation of African Americans in basketball and football at
the high school, collegiate, and professional levels influence some
African American (self-stereotyping) and White American (stereotyping)
students’ beliefs about African Americans’ aspirations to
participate in these sports. On the other hand, the overrepresentation
of White Americans in tennis and golf at these levels influence some
African American (stereotyping) and White American (self-stereotyping)
students’ beliefs about White Americans’ aspirations to participate
in these sports.
According to the PCRT,
spontaneous and persistent influences of race posit that race is
spontaneously derived from social information and continues to affect
the meaning of experiences. That is, race is spontaneously activated in
cognition. Further, people have a natural tendency to categorize objects
including other people (Jones, 1998). In turn, racial categorization of
people supports stereotypic thinking and can spontaneously activate race
logic, which portrays white-skinned people as intellectually superior to
people of color (e.g., African Americans) whom are considered
genetically physically superior athletes (Coakley, 2004; Harrison, 1995;
Hoberman, 1997). Still today, some harbor a well-learned, pervasive
belief in racial stereotypes, including students we interviewed.
This study also revealed that
students from both ethnic groups held self-stereotypic beliefs about
their in-groups’ aspirations to participate in different sport
activities. Previous research has shown that despite low or high
prejudice status or racial status, reciprocal racial stereotypic traits
have been consistently identified (Devine & Elliot, 1995; Jones,
1998). In-group and individual stigmatization potentially result from
stereotypes, known as cognitive facilitators or schemas, which pertain
to the individual’s beliefs, knowledge, and expectations about a human
group (Harrison, 1995). Harrison (1995) argued that differences in
cognitive schematic development leads to differences in sport and
physical activity behaviors between African Americans and White
Americans. Further, he posited that the role of television, modeling,
and other sociological factors leads to self-schematic racial diffusion
in specific sport behaviors. In that way, Harrison et al. (2002) argued
that African Americans are likely to immerse in sport activities that
most identify them to “blackness” whereas those sport activities
more identified as beholding to “whiteness” may be repudiated
despite a high level of efficacy in such sport activities.
What is more the salience of
racial identity (PCRT, Jones, 1998) suggests racial identity to involve
in-group pride and leads to negative stereotyping and prejudices toward
out-groups, which cyclically give rise to a greater in-group solidarity
(Jones, 1998). The tenet of spontaneous and persistent influences of
race that support PCRT posits that knowledge of stereotypes can and
often has automatic influences on people’s [beliefs] perceptions,
judgments, and behaviors. It is plausible that self-stereotyping is
influential on some African American students’ beliefs about their
in-groups’ aspirations to participate in basketball and football.
Comparably, it is plausible that self-stereotyping is influential on
some White American students’ beliefs about their in-groups’
aspirations to participate in golf, swimming and tennis. To counter
racial stereotypic beliefs, it is important that school personnel (e.g.,
teachers, coaches, psychologists, school counselors, administrators)
confront such beliefs with ethnorelativistic perspectives that are
reflected throughout their practices and programs (e.g., diversity
training infused across curricular offerings that emphasizes the
acceptance of, adaptation to, and integration of difference) (Burden,
Hodge, O’Bryant, & Harrison, 2004; DeSensi, 1995).
Summary
and Implications
African American and White
American students’ beliefs about theirs and each others ethnic
groups’ aspirations to participate in different sport activities
appear to stem from confounding socio-cultural, psychological and
socio-economical variables (e.g., sports media influences coupled with
socialization processes as experienced at neighborhood parks, community
recreation centers, physical education classes, interscholastic and/or
intercollegiate competitive events and witnessed sport competitions).
Clearly, African American and White American students are influenced by
the social construct of race (PCRT, Jones, 1998), which is further
confounded by the aforementioned variables.
To the degree that teachers,
coaches, and other school professionals (e.g., counselors) accept
prevailing theories of athletic superiority and intellectual inferiority
of various diverse ethnic groups (e.g., African Americans), they can do
psychological damage to impressionable youth (Harrison, 1995, 2001).
Even today, however, some professionals possess ethnocentric
perspectives (i.e., “the denial of, defense against, and minimization
of difference” DeSensi, 1995, p. 36), and they in-turn perpetuate
(knowingly or unknowingly) negative racial ideologies associated with
athletic and intellectual abilities of diverse groups, arguably to the
academic detriment of these youth. To counter ethnocentric perspectives
and negative racial ideologies, we must underscore and promote
ethnorelativistic views (i.e., “the acceptance of, adaptation to, and
integration of difference” DeSensi, 1995, p. 36).
The question is one of how best
to counter ethnocentric perspectives, stereotypical beliefs, perceived
or realized racism, and other barriers (e.g., limited access to
equipment and facilities) that hinder full participation in sports for
all. To this, Burden et al. (2004) called for culturally relevant
pedagogies that include an infusing of diversity content across
curricular of physical education teacher education (PETE) programs,
which should also include providing multiple opportunities for novice
teachers and coaches to learn from and socialize with a diversity of
youths in various sport activity contexts.
The infusion of diversity content across course offerings and use
of practicum and teaching or counseling internships in varied diverse
contexts will better prepare future and practicing teachers, coaches,
counselors, and others for working with a diversity of students and
athletes (Burden et al., 2004; Flowers, Milner, & Moore, 2003;
Hodge, Tannehill, & Kluge, 2003). For instance, trainees of
counselor education and PETE programs would benefit from: (a) exposure
to culturally relevant content infused across course work; (b)
opportunities to engage in informed discourse with faculty and cohorts
around diversity-related issues including race/ethnicity and sport
participation patterns, stereotyping in sports, sport inequalities,
social justice, and gender equity;(c) critical thinking and
self-reflections; and (d) meaningful interaction with others of diverse
cultures and ethnicities (Flowers et al., 2003; Harrison & Worthy,
2001; Hodge et al., 2003).
Teachers, coaches, and
counselors must come to understand that some African American students
internalize negative stereotypical beliefs about their academic
potential while concurrently overemphasizing their athletic potential
(Steele, 1997; Steele & Aronson, 1995). Troubling, self-stereotyping
can adversely impact African American students’ academic pursues,
while often leading to unrealized athletic dreams (Harrison &
Worthy, 2001). To counter this, teachers, coaches, and counselors should
gear their focus and actions toward ways of helping students,
particularly African American males cope and succeed academically
(Flowers et al., 2003) while encouraging them to seek a manageable
balance between athletic and academic pursues (Watt & Moore, 2001).
Broadly stated, our call is for
changes made to traditional physical education and counselor education
curriculum models at the collegiate and school (e.g., high school)
levels that take into account the kinds of issues discussed in this
paper. At a minimum, such changes should include infusing diversity
training across curricular offerings to better prepare teachers, coaches
and counselors who can effectively provide equity pedagogy and guidance
that is culturally relevant for school-age students. To that end,
Siedentop and Tannehill (2000) provided guidelines on what teachers
should and should not do to ensure that their pedagogies are equitable
and culturally relevant. Further, they provide guidance for teachers to
identify unacceptable (e.g., teaching characterized by inequitable
behaviors) to acceptable (equitable pedagogy of caring) to “a profile
of preferred strategies that move beyond a pedagogy of caring to
antibias teaching that confronts issues of bias and helps students
resolve them within the learning community” (p. 108). These guidelines
and strategies are also useful for school counselors as well. An
awareness and adherence to these and other guidelines and strategies
(Harrison & Worthy, 2001; Siedentop & Tannehill, 2000; Sparks,
1995; Watt & Moore, 2001) will help ensure athletic and academic
achievement for all.
We all should reflect on our
cultural values and beliefs juxtaposed to those values and beliefs
upheld within the United States society and what that means in terms of
social justice (Burden et al., 2004). Only with informed and reflective
practice will school professionals contribute meaningfully to a
desirable balance of athlete and academic pursues for youth while
avoiding the tendency to perpetuate detrimental racial ideologies
(Burden et al., 2004). In addition, there must be a greater emphasis on
programs, policies, and practices that ensure affordable access for all
to participate in a wide array of sport activities. As important, if not
more so, is the need for ensuring culturally relevant, meaningful, and
challenging academic pursues for all students. This would do much to
make more accessible and meaningful a balance of athletic and academic
pursues for all.
Limitations of
the Study
Limits exist in our
interpretations of the data. We acknowledge, as CRT scholars and
researchers, that there can be no apolitical interpretations or
representations in this process (Sparkes, 1995, 1999). In summary, our
political and moral dispositions (e.g., advocacy for social justice),
and in-turn, decisions made in this research (e.g., “Whose voices are
included in the text, and how they are given weight and
interpreted…” Sparkes, 1995, p. 159) were influenced by historical,
social, cultural, and personal experiences as African Americans. We have
encountered similar stereotypic imaging, for example, as those voiced in
this study by some participants. Thus, as researchers in this regard, we
realize we are not free of biases, but we have made every effort to
remain objective. Sparkes (1995) pointed out that “All of us, as
positioned authors, are clearly implicated in the construction of our
texts, and this needs to be acknowledged as we begin to reflect more
deeply about how and why conventional stories are told in PE and
sport” (p. 189). In using interviewing (Fontana & Frey, 2000), we
sought to convey the participants’ voices as they themselves had
expressed, recognizing the dual crises of representation and
legitimation in qualitative research (Sparkes, 1995, 1998). Of note, CRT
scholars have argued that political and moral analysis is situational;
hence, "truths only exist for this person in this predicament at
this time in history (Delgado, 1991). We have, as often CRT scholars do,
used interviewing as a means to glean and express the voices of others
(Delgado, 1989), yet realize the limitations of our interpretations.
Limits also exist in the
generalizability of our findings. That is, transferability of our
findings is contingent upon the degree to which there is relevancy to
another similar context or situation while still preserving the
particularized meaning, interpretations, and inferences from the study
– the fittingness of the findings to similar environmental conditions,
contexts, or circumstances (e.g., college students from the southeastern
region of USA) (Leininger, 1994).
Recommendations for Future Research
A legacy of racial inequalities
and a dominance of whiteness in America has allowed for the perpetuation
(knowingly or otherwise) of race-sport stereotypic beliefs about varied
diverse groups (e.g., African Americans) to persist. To counter this,
educators and scholars should study race-sport stereotypic imaging on a
broader scale. This is necessary to better understand in what ways
African American and others’ beliefs have been influenced by the
social construct of race and what that means in America. Scholars should
explore means to increase affordability and accessibility to sport
facilities and resources for African Americans (and others who are at
economic-social disadvantage) within and beyond their own communities
and schools. Future research should also be conducted to examine how and
what interventions will go toward arresting African American students’
disengagement from academics as well as particular sports (e.g.,
swimming, golf) as a function of stereotypic imaging.
Footnotes
1
We use the terms White and White American rather than European
American to recognize Anglo (White) descendants from European countries
as well as non-European countries (Burden et al., 2004).
2
Occasionally, we used the terms ethnic minority or minorities
to capture a particular point or cite other scholars’ work; however,
we prefer to avoid these terms in identifying individuals or ethnic
group status regarding people of color (e.g., African American,
Latino/Latina, Native American) because the terms (a) lack globe
validity and (b) often imparts a negative connotation toward such
individuals (Burden et al., 2004; Coakley, 2004).
3
The term Black is used to cite other scholars’ work within a
historical context in reference mostly to African Americans in the
United States and other people of African ancestry (Burden et al.,
2004).
4
Scholars use critical race theory (CRT) to analyze social justice
and racial equality in schools and schooling processes (Jay, 2003). CRT
emerged as a counter legal scholarship to positivist and liberal legal
discourse of civil rights (Ladson-Billings, 1998). In education, CRT
serves as “a framework or set of basic perspectives, methods, and
pedagogy that seeks to identify, analyze, and transform those
structural, cultural, and interpersonal aspects of education that
maintain the marginal position and subordination of African American and
Latino students” (Solorzano & Yosso, 2000, p. 42).
Acknowledgement:
We extend a special thanks to Dr. James Jones, a professor in
the Department of Psychology at the University of Delaware, for his
gracious assistance with providing materials used for this research
project. We also offer a “thank you” to Darlika Downs, graduate
student in history at Southeastern Louisiana University, for her
gracious assistance in organizing and filing data complied for this
research project.
About the Authors: Mr. Joe W. Burden, Jr. is a doctoral candidate in sport pedagogy in
the Department of Kinesiology at
Louisiana
State
University
–
Baton Rouge
. His research interests focus on understanding the social and
psychological influences of racial/ethnic aspirations, perspectives, and
behaviors and these variables implications on teaching and learning in
sport and physical education. Dr. Samuel R. Hodge is an associate
professor and assistant dean for equity and diversity in the
College
of
Education
at The Ohio State University. His research foci include social
inclusion, physical education professionals' attitudes and behaviors
toward teaching students with disabilities, diversity, and social
justice in teacher preparation. Dr.
Louis Harrison, Jr. is an associate professor in the Department of
Kinesiology at
Louisiana
State
University
. His research focus concerns the influence of race and ethnicity on
sport and physical activity preferences, participation, and performance.
Correspondence can be sent to the second author at The Ohio State
University, School of Physical Activities and Educational Services, 212
Pomerene Hall, 1760 Neil Avenue, Columbus, OH 43210-1297 USA; e-mail
hodge.14@osu.edu.
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